Myanmar's "2.1" incident, the military has been in charge of regime for more than two years. It has been sanctioned and blocked by all aspects of Western countries in the international community, and the diplomatic situation has fallen into a considerable degree of dilemma.In order to properly solve the problem of Myanmar, countries or organizations outside the territory have involved in Myanmar affairs, such as the five -point consensus of Asia in Asia, Japanese businessman diplomacy, and China's economic and trade cooperation. The region has become a battlefield for geopolitical games outside the country.
For Myanmar, in order to break the dilemma of diplomacy and seek international support, it seems a effective choice to deepen cooperation in Russia and Myanmar.Myanmar is actively seeking cooperation with Russia, especially the process of military nuclear energy cooperation between the two countries, reflects the political tendency of the Burmese government.This shows that there is a considerable degree of strategic mutual trust in Russia and Myanmar, and the government of the Burmese Army intends to use Russia to reduce the influence of other forces in Myanmar. Myanmar issues will be more complicated due to Russia -Myanmar cooperation.
Myanmar has always attached great importance to the relationship with Russia.In the past two years, Russia -Myanmar has continuously deepened bilateral cooperation, which is reflected in many aspects: in terms of economy, the two parties are committed to establishing the direct exchange mechanism of the ruble -Myanmar currency, reducing the dependence on the US dollar and other hard currency, alleviating the same encountered the same encountersInternational sanctions to promote bilateral economic and trade cooperation; politically, the political trust between the two sides continues to deepen each other. In the Burmese military to take over national power and Russia's military operations on Ukraine, they do not condemn each other and give strong support.Representatives threatened international peace and security, and did not agree to discuss Myanmar issues in the Security Council (except for the Rohingya refugee crisis); in military, Myanmar purchased Russia's military weapons and equipment for a long time. Russia also provided them with military skills cooperation and training talents. RussiaThere is a strong military connection in Myanmar; in terms of energy, Myanmar actively approached Russia to develop nuclear power energy projects. On February 6 this year, Russia -Myanmar officially signed a cooperation agreement between the intergovernmental and used nuclear energy field.The project construction intergovernmental agreement and framework diagram are discussed in the fields of scientific research, medicine, agriculture, and food industry.In addition, in order to get rid of the dilemma of the withdrawal of Western multinational energy companies, the Burmese military also paid attention to energy, oil, and water and electricity energy, and the energy cooperation between the two sides quickly "landed on the ground."
On the one hand, Myanmar needs strong support from Russia.Russia and Western countries are different geographical political camps, and there is a relationship of competing confrontation. The Burmese government can hedge diplomatic risks to a certain extent by deepening cooperation with Russia to ease the pressure from Myanmar and from the international community.At the same time, in order to enhance its own governing foundation, the Burmese government has continuously purchased Russian weapons to enhance military reserve and maintain its absolute military strength in China to form a strong deterrent to the opponents.Today's domestic dissatisfaction caused by the hydropower energy crisis.
On the other hand, Russia also attaches importance to cooperation with Myanmar.It continues to expand its military energy connection in Myanmar, and is bound to the interests of Myanmar, which is bound to cause greater political influence on the situation in Myanmar and even the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia to increase the chips with the United States.Russia under the Russia -Ukraine War was further affected by further economic sanctions and political curbs by Western countries. Therefore, strengthening exchanges and cooperation with Myanmar has certain strategic significance.
The military and nuclear orders of Russia and Myanmar are in line with Russia's "political priority" diplomatic strategy, which helps enhance its geopolitical influence in Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean, while breaking the United States to block Russia in the region.
For the Asianan, the Asian Security Summit expressed his reluctance to choose a side team, coordinating the balanced routes of countries in the diplomacy of large powers, to avoid becoming a game chess piece, and maintaining peace and stability in Southeast Asia.
However, Myanmar actively moves closer to Russia, intending to use the influence of Russia to get rid of its own dilemma, and actively burn the "fire of Russia and Ukraine" to Asianan, making the situation in Myanmar more complicated, which is not conducive to the internal situation of Asians to solve the situation in Myanmar.Because of the unable to effectively mediate Myanmar affairs, the central status and right of discourse of Asian'an were challenged, and they were even forced to be involved in the United States and Russia.At the same time, Asians have always promoted the plan to promote Northeast Asian nuclear weapons, and Asia Gyanan must adopt a cautious attitude towards Russia -Myanmar nuclear energy cooperation.
It is worth noting that even with the assistance of the "nuclear power" Russia, the control capabilities and facilities in Myanmar's government nuclear project control and facilities are still worrying.In addition, although the development of nuclear power in the field of Myanmar's civilian field itself is understandable, if Myanmar pursues military nuclear capabilities after receiving nuclear facilities, it will inevitably lead to the complexity of the safety situation in the surrounding areas.
The author is an assistant researcher at Southwest University of Political Science and Law
