"I am not a senator, not the governor, nor have I been a cabinet minister," J. D. Wanz's tragedy in the countrysideThe page wrote to build ordinary people.These were true in 2016. At that time, Wanz's identity was the veteran of the Marine Corps. He graduated from Yale University Law School. "There is a good job, a happy marriage, a comfortable home and two lively dogs."Now, his memories are a bit different.
This is to a certain extent because Wans has now become a senator of Congress, and from Monday, he has also become the Vice President's candidate of the Republican Party.From the conservatives who believe in "never Trump" to the loyal Maga party, from distinguishing from the perspective of right -wing populism to becoming a right -wing populism, in the past eight years, his great changes in his political concept have caused great controversy.Although the critics of Wans believe that this is a shameless opportunist, he explained (including the recent interview with the New York Times Ross Dowe), his own change in ideology is the result of dual wisdom awakening: it turns outTrump is not as bad as he thought before, and American liberals are much worse.
This change is noticeable because the tragedy of the countryside is all the rage, to a certain extent, because its target readers and the largest fan group are liberals.This book was published by a large -scale popular book publishing agency, which has received respect for respect (although sometimes it is not questionable) and has caused widespread discussion.It is not only shouting to the institutionalist, but also a name.
This book tells the story of two migration.One is the large -scale flow of poor white people, including the author's grandparents, from rural Abbarachia to rural towns.The other is from one of the places of Wans -Mideldon, Ohio, to the place where the ruling class is in the sense of geography and population: New Hipan, Silicon Valley, and then to Washington.
To some extent, the tragedy of rural people is a narrative about struggle, a chronological history of a young man's rise in adversity. It can be interpreted as a confession of the status quo.The imaginary reader was sitting in a relatively superior position and learned that this ambitious Ohio person came to a similar position and fascinated his experience along the way.This story is painful, but also encourages people's hearts.Because of her mother's opioid drugs, Wanz’s childhood was shrouded in such struggle, but the loving grandparents saved him, especially his spoken and tenacious grandmother.Literature achievement.
Grandmother, the Naval Marine Corps Congrong's career and the study experience of Ohio State University made the young Wanz get rid of Mideldon and gave him the confidence and skills of the tragedy of the countryside.(Yale provides him with connections, and the most influential professor of his mentor, the appointment professor of the tiger mom and other books, Cai Meier.)
The information conveyed by this type of memoir always includes humility and ambition: the author's hint is that if I can do it, then anyone can do it.However, at the same time as inspirational, the author also admits painfully that many people can't do it.The brave and lucky protagonist is both representative and different. This paradox gives individuals to reflect on social criticism.What hinders the success of others?Why do many people like Wans seem to be destined to be unemployed and lack of employment, abuse of drugs, and fall into family confusion, poverty and despair?
In the autobiographical genre of the tragedy of the countryside -this type of bookshelf is filled with books from blacks, Aboriginal and immigrant writers -the answer is often systematic.The author overcomes unfairness and prejudice, which is a fundamental unfairness in the world's organizational methods.The implicit political claims are usually more like reformism rather than radical: We need to solve problems so that more such children can succeed through eliminating obstacles and expanding opportunities.
Wan Si's point of view is obviously not the case.If he calls the Americans of the rural people-this concept has certain elasticity, it can be regional (such as the Americans in the Abbarachia region), or they can also be nationality (Scotland-Irish Americans)Or in the sense of sociological sense (the white worker class) -the is falling or trapped, so it is largely their own fault.
Fighting, strong sectarian concepts, and hate authority are precisely these vivid cultural characteristics that made Wan Si's grandmother and her relatives in his books and life that put them in poverty and abnormalities."Labor class" may be a wrong title, "In places like Mideldon, people always say that they must work hard," Wans wrote."In a small town of 30 % of young people working less than 20 hours a week, you will find that no one realizes his laziness."
This harsh judgment and the cultural decision behind it have caused some criticism, including writers similar to Wans.At the same time, members of the edge or vulnerable groups have caused their misfortunes. This statement is a pleasant music for those in power.If these people are like this -laziness, cooperation, and abuse, then any policy designed to help them is useless.
For a long time, conservatives have been using this view to oppose social projects against African Americans, Latin -American, and urban poor.Wans is not the first right to use this argument to oppose the rural and pro -white groups.The collapse of Charles Murry in 2012: In the book of the current situation of White in the United States from 1960 to 2010, it predicted some themes of the tragedy of the rural people.During the presidential campaign in 2016, Kevin Williamson published a series of cutting -edge articles in national comments to link Trump's rise with the decline of the white workers' class, and concluded that Mideldon and otherThe struggling people "disappointed themselves"."Nothing bad happened," Williamzon wrote."There is no terrible disaster. There are no war, no famine, no plague, no foreign occupation."
In the past few years, it can be said that this view is not popular among right -wing intellectuals. Compared to Diagnosis of Trumpism, they are now more interested in writing Trump's tactical manuals.EssenceBoth of these projects have participated, which involve changes in the tone and direction, but not just for Trump himself.
There is a kind of opposition in the tragedy of the rural people. On the one hand, Wanz praises his family, and on the other hand, he sells them. It is uncoordinated to see them as a alien for the sake of suspicious arguments.The reason why I say "suspicious" is that it is obvious now. He suspects that the American worker class should be responsible for his troubles, at least he feels that it is not very politically useful.He is now more inclined to blame China, North American Free Trade Agreement, Mexico and certain companies, as well as the political and cultural institutions he once joined.In other words: He has abandoned his most loyal readers.
