Cai Yicun
In January 2020, Tsai Ing -wen won the presidential election of Taiwan with a record 8.17 million votes, and the DPP also won more than half of the legislature seats.This overwhelming election victory seemed to be more than a year ago.
In November 2018, the Democratic Progressive Party was defeated in the mayor of Taiwan County and the election (nine -in -one election).Walk.At that time, Tsai Ing -wen's support fell into the bottom after the nine -in -one defeat. After suffering, Lai Qingde, who had repelled the opportunity in the party's primary election, was in danger.
The ups and downs of the election campaign are often affected by many factors at the same time.However, in early 2020, this remarkable election campaign reflected the worrying and pan -ideological signs in Taiwan society.This is not beneficial to the peaceful development of cross -strait relations.
In the nine -in -one election, South Korea ’s Yu constantly threw out a grand commitment to connect the people, harvested a large number of hardcore Korean powder, and passed the corresponding operation to take the position of Mayor Kaohsiung.However, it was lost to Cai Yingwen's democracy and anti -Chinese discussion, which eventually gave birth to the number of votes in the Taiwan presidential election.
Behind this phenomenon, the politicians of Taiwan's politicians in unified democracy and other issues are important, but it should not be ignored. It is precisely the model of Taiwanese society to a model of specific events and provides space and possibilities for political manipulation.The statement and campaign strategy of politicians were guided, which then affected the results of the 2020 election.
Resonance between emergencies and historical memory
Since June 2019, Hong Kong's anti -repair example has continued to this day and has shown daily situation.From the end of the incident to the end of the voting in early 2020, Taiwan society has remained high attention.Although it also had condemnation and dissatisfaction with violence, in general, Taiwanese society is more inclined to sympathize with demonstrators and launch a large -scale parade of the Hong Kong storm.On August 4th, the number of participants organized by the Taiwan Human Rights Organization was less than a thousand; and on September 29, the organizer claimed that nearly 100,000 people participated in the parade in Taipei; Kaohsiung and other places also responded with rally.
The fierce response of Taiwanese society comes from the operation of politicians, but also stems from special historical memories.From the retreat of the Kuomintang in 1949 to the transformation of democratization in 1987, Taiwan society has gone through severe political and social changes, leaving a profound brand.
After retreating Taiwan, in order to penetrate Taiwan's local society, the Kuomintang established a authoritarian political system composed of the Kuomintang party state system, power network, and local autonomous system.By participating in local elections, some local elites began to organize and combined with young intellectuals to challenge the Kuomintang authorities.On the streets of Taiwan, between police, gendarmerie and foreign elements, and protests, bleeding conflicts are common.
Long -term challenges have promoted the Kuomintang authorities to start political reforms, and transformed the democratization of the 1980s and 1990s into staged results, and finally condensed into an ideological discourse that can most impress Taiwanese society.value.This is also a party that trys to ride in Taiwan. It must continue to declare and adhere to the legitimacy source.
The large -scale conflict that occurred in Hong Kong was intended to become a specific manifestation of one country, two systems, and supplemented with the stereotypes that have been existed for a long time.Originally existed in the imagination, the two systems in imagination overlapped the historical memory of Taiwanese society in the worst way.Therefore, Taiwanese society has substituted itself into the role of demonstrators, looking for a rational basis for violence, and reprimanding the government and police who try to maintain order.Such public opinion is naturally captured by Taiwanese politicians in the election campaign.
Value rationality and circle of campaign battlefields
As mentioned earlier, the ideological legitimacy of democratic value is the aspect that all political actors in Taiwan must pay attention to.However, based on ideological legitimacy, the more important the status in a society, the more valuableness is in the important position in the political thinking and behavioral pattern of the public.At this time, the people in the society are more inclined to look at problems from a certain value/ideology.
For Taiwanese society, watching and even participating in social movements are commonplace.After the long conflict and compromise with the Kuomintang authoritarian authorities, Taiwan society has gradually formed a social movement model with loyalty opposition: challengers and challengers of social movements, they all claim to adhere to democratic value. Challengers generally do not challenge the current political and politicalIn the system, the government and the police are mainly responsible for maintaining order.
In some large -scale protests, in order to avoid wiping guns, social movement cadres and duty police officers will maintain smooth information communication.This shaped the perception of the social movement in Taiwan: Social movements are orderly, good and right.
However, in the anti -repair example, the Taiwanese society saw the police's force cleared the field and blamed the damage of order on the government's response. It was believed that this was a bad incident.Ignoring this is an extremely strong non -loyal opposition, which will almost cause a severe response from the government.
Just asking the sympathy of the position provides an excellent opportunity for Cai Yingwen's rationalized cross -strait route.In early 2019, Tsai Ing -wen declined to refuse the Taiwan and two systems.Especially in the summer and autumn full of violence, destruction, and ethnic attacks, as the Hong Kong police responded to the intensity, Cai Yingwen gradually reversed from 9 percentage points to a huge leading advantage of more than 10 percentage points, and maintained it until the end of the end.Essence
Looking back at this process, it can be found that the anti -repair rings set the battlefield of the 2020 election campaign in Taiwan. One party was able to avoid strengths and avoid weaknesses, but the other had to attack with weakness.For Tsai Ing -wen and the DPP, emphasizing the sense of death and ideological confrontation of the country is justified.The ideology of the issue of one country, two systems in order to resort to the value rationality of the voters rather than the rationality of the tool.Tsai Ing -wen's tough statement not only consolidated the basic green basic disk, but also catered to the rise of high nationalist emotions, harvesting the support of a large number of middle voters, especially young voters.
For South Korea ’s Yu and the Kuomintang, the strategy choices in election campaigns have been limited to a very aggressive range.The Kuomintang, which is more inclined to cross -strait exchanges and economic and trade development. At this time, it is difficult to trigger voters' unsuccessful thinking.
In the contemporary ideological discourse, even if South Korea Yu followed the trend and shouted Over My DEAD BODY to one country, two systems, just repeated the DPP's words, and finally defeated in the 2020 election in the local conscious station team.
Election campaign pan -ideologicalization and its influence
Facing the political crisis, Tsai Ing -wen and the DPP authorities chose to strengthen ideological confrontation and successfully re -elected.Emphasis on ideology and even manipulation has strengthened the election capacity of political parties, but once the generalization pattern of generalization becomes a reality, it will not only hinder the accumulated development of Taiwanese society, but also lead to the more aggressive of specific ideology.
In the 520 inauguration speech, Tsai Ing -wen did not mention the 1992 consensus and once again rejected one country, two systems.Such a statement continues the echo of anti -China public opinion, and focuses on the performance of performance performance, social care and industrial development.It can be seen that Tsai Ing -wen no longer regards the peaceful development of cross -strait relations as part of its government performance, but transforms it into a pure ideological announcement window.
When the performance of the Democratic Progressive Party authorities is better, this may build a subtle balance between fanaticism and rationality.But such a balance is very fragile, far from long.The risk of pan -ideologicalization will not stop in the increasingly higher local consciousness demands. Once the performance of the Taiwan authorities declines, the turbulent nationalist emotions are very relaxed.Yi will destroy this vulnerable balance. The enthusiastic public opinion may no longer be willing to accept an authority that is not tough enough, even if the authorities actually want to ease the situation.At that time, whether it is seeking the substantial intervention of a third party, including the United States, or choosing a more aggressive route to drink thirst, it will add huge uncertainties to the peaceful development of cross -strait relations.
Become a slogan instead of the peaceful stability of public items, and it is not beneficial to the development of cross -strait relations and the well -being of the people of cross -strait people.
The author is a lecturer in the Taiwan Research Institute of Guangzhou University
The fierce response of Taiwanese society comes from the operation of politicians, but also stems from special historical memories.From the retreat of the Kuomintang in 1949 to the transformation of democratization in 1987, Taiwan society has gone through severe political and social changes, leaving a profound brand.
