Liu Jincai
In response to the amendment of the Taiwan Legislative Yuan through a three -reading referendum law, the referendum date is determined to be decoupled with the general election on the two -year referendum day. For the DPP authorities in power, in the short termBroken people and hurt themselves.
The original referendum law stipulates that it should be combined with the general election to reduce the cost of election affairs and resource costs. Due to the large number of referendum issues, increasing the complexity of the election voting affairs, the origin of the original desire is merged with the election, but the final correction passed the passing passedThe election year is completely separated from the referendum year.
This approach can be said to go from one extreme to another. The referendum is directly democratic to fly out of the bird cage, but stepping into the iron cage to set its own limits.
The amendments to the referendum have caused many criticism, including the private interests of political parties, restricting direct democracy, democratic reversing, democratic dictatorship, domineering government, and disrespectful public opinion.The Kuomintang's most popular presidential candidate South Korea Yu criticized this to stifle the referendum with most violence and abandon democracy. Former Democratic Vice President Lu Xiulian criticized this as democracy betrayed democracy.The accusations of diplomatic relations within the party show that this is actually violated with legal equilibrium and impartiality.
First of all, the referendum chaos is not a problem with the binding of the election and the referendum, but the technical problem, that is, the lack of manpower and the number of tickets of the ticket center, which causes the chaos that votes while voting.In addition, a referendum issue involving a national central level is organized in conjunction with local elections. It is difficult for candidates to argue with referendum issues.In fact, the connection design of the referendum abduction of the election originated from the DPP, which is a merger vote under political considerations and rational calculations.
However, now that the referendum may have an impact on the presidential election, exclude the presidential election may affect the voting results of the election due to the referendum of the Nuclear 4, and the depression of the supporters of the Blue Camp is encouraged to improve the voting enthusiasm. This amendment is still full of political calculations.When the Democratic Progressive Party is in the position of opposition, the referendum abduction election provides political mobilization, policy debate, and publicity opportunities; when the DPP is the ruling party, the referendum abduction election is not conducive to its governing.There are referendums once in two years to avoid impact on the election.
Secondly, the referendum is decoupled from the election, and the Kuomintang's Kuomintang leverages the referendum to mobilize the quotes to mobilize its political operation space.By revising the referendum law, avoid collective mobilization through the feudal bills in the opposition party, trying to influence the election of the president and legislators.Since the local elections have tied up 10 referendums in 2018, the DPP authorities have no proposal itself, but the Kuomintang has proposed a number of referendum proposals to strengthen the right to speak.The first referendum after the amendment was August 2021. During the presidential and legislators elections, it had a lower effect on the Democratic Progressive Party's election.The referendum was a policy weapon for the DPP during the opposition party to fight for power.
Furthermore, the nine -in -one local elections bundled the central level policy, forming a separation voting orientation, and cannot focus on local elections and central policy debates.Local elections and governance should explore relevant hierarchical policies. However, the central level policy is full of local elections. Instead, it is blurred by the focus of local governance and generate alternative transfer effect.For example, the merger of local elections and referendums in 2018, the Kuomintang and various social groups have proposed a number of issues that belong to the central policy sector. Local elections should have discussed and determine local governance issues. However, almost all of them involved national national policy choices.
For example, the issue of marriage issues involves the formulation of special laws or the amendments to civil law, which involves human rights guarantee and the amendment of the Legislative Yuan or adding a new law, which is not possible by local governments. It is not comparable to the general local government office in the name of the Tokyo Olympics international competition in the name of Taiwan.The national proposal should be more appropriate to combine the 2020 presidential election and legislators elections. If the national election is merged in 2018, the difference between local governance and central level governance will be confused.
In the end, the referendum is decoupled from the election, which not only eliminates the threat of the independent election of radical independence to use the presidential election to carry out independent referendum, but also marginalize the Kuomintang to ask for cross -strait peace agreements or any political agreement to challenge the cross -strait policies of the DPP authorities and avoid intensifying unified issues in the election.
At present, many referendum bills have been eager to test, such as the restarted nuclear cases filed by Huang Shixiu, the founder of the nuclear rumor, the founder of the former vice president Lu Xiulian announced the neutral case, and the independent referendum advocated by the Joy Island Alliance.At this time, if the Kuomintang complained to the reform of the military and public education annuity reform, the cross -strait peace agreement referendum, and bundled the 2020 presidential election and legislators elections. As a result, the political mobilization will cause the DPP to fall into the back belly, the left branch, and the right.Double dilemma.
The DPP separates the referendum and voting from the election. In fact, the short -term interests of political parties focus on the long -term development of the system.If the DPP loses the presidential election and legislators, the separation of the election date from the referendum date is for the DPP, and the abandoned weapon surrender has lost its political mobilization weapon.If the proposal involved in the referendum can be appropriately divided into local or central affairs, and combined with local or central or central level elections, this can not only use political party elections to mobilize policy debates, and combine the rational speculation of civic social policies with political party voting orientation.
At the same time, a referendum involving local or central -level policy fields should be matched with merging elections, which is conducive to exploring the combination of dual public opinion foundations and winning the dual public opinion of the referendum and elections.
The author is an assistant professor at the Department of Public Affairs of Taiwan Foguang University
