Recently, Taiwan's politics is changing. The mayor of Kaohsiung, South Korea, has been dismissed by voting at the election. It has become the mayor of the municipality directly under the history of Taiwan ’s local autonomy. It has ended the Kuomintang’ s administration in South Taiwan in less than two years.

However, the political effect of the Korean case is not limited to Kaohsiung.This not only triggers the internal power of the Kuomintang and the conflict of the route. The retaliated political removal case may occur. The relationship between the cooperation and conflict between the blue, white, and the green party, especially the political conflict between the Kuomintang and its political conflict with the DPP authorities.Cross -strait routes.

The passage of the Korean case has intensified the debate of the Cross -Strait route within the Kuomintang, and the discussion of the discussion of the 1992 consensus is an outdated statement, advocating response to the new public opinion, and adjusting the consensus expression of 1992.

It can be said that the Korean case was the political bone card effect produced by the Taiwan presidential election in 2020, under the impact.The rise of the rise in 2018 means that the success of the anti -Chinese wave of anti -China -China waves; the success of the Korean case in 2020 marks that the retreat of Han Li and the anti -Chinese emotions soared again.

First of all, the Taiwan presidential election stirred up the anti -mid -line rising line, and then induced the Korean case.Reviewing the presidential election, a strong anti -Chinese political emotion and atmosphere in Taiwan society was generally permeated.This is related to the issuance of five points in China in early 2019 and proposed two Taiwan plans. In July, Hong Kong broke out to the Chinese Movement in August, the mainland unilaterally announced the suspension of Luke's free travel to Taiwan for sightseeing, and the two island countries of the South Pacific in September.

The suppression and restrictions adopted by the mainland authorities on Taiwan's policies have caused the DPP authorities to counter the countermeasures. Through the National Security Five Laws and Reverse Anti -Anti -Anti -Acts and restricting cross -strait exchanges, the cold cicada effect is produced, and the cross -strait routes are marginalized.South Korea ’s Yu advocates the 1992 consensus, and the one -China table and cross -strait cooperation. At the same time, the cross -strait city exchanges are actively promoted and the cross -strait routes surrounded by localities have challenged the Cross -Strait routes of the DPP authorities.

Secondly, through the case of the Korean case, the two sides of the Kuomintang have disagreed from the Cross -Strait routes in the Kuomintang.The Kuomintang was defeated in the presidential election, which caused whether to continue to adhere to the 1992 consensus and review cross -strait policy debate.Many people in the Chinese and young generations in the party claimed that the 1992 consensus was outdated. Even the party members and local heads of the party associated to try to surround the central government to change the claim of the Party Central Committee.

Former President Ma Ying -jeou believes that to change the 1992 consensus, it must meet the four major requirements: the Constitution of the Republic of China, public opinion support, the consent of the mainland authorities, and international understanding.However, Lin Weizhou, the convener of the Kuomintang Legislative Yuan, proposed the route of one China (a Chinese nation, a Chinese nation, the People's Republic of China, and the Republic of China).

Secondly, the 1992 consensus argued for outdated theory.During the presidency of the new Kuomintang Chairman Jiang Qichen, the 1992 consensus was a bit old. Young people may not have sincerely recognized that the consensus of 92 can represent themselves.The 1992 consensus seemed to be outdated, lacking elasticity, and gradually lost the trust of the people.In the past, the consensus of 1992 has its effectiveness, to allow the vague space expressed by the two sides of the strait, but the mainland authorities emphasized that the cross -strait consensus must be unified when talking about the 1992 consensus, and pointing to the two systems of Taiwan to compress the elasticity of this concept.

The Kuomintang criticized the Democratic Progressive Party to steal the concept, and extended the fear of Taiwan's fear of one country, two systems, and doubts about the consensus of 1992.Based on democracy, any adjustment of cross -strait relations in the future must first strive for the authorization of Taiwan's public opinion.It can be clearly seen that the new Kuomintang chairman has adjusted its cross -strait route to the main route of infrastructure in Taiwan, emphasizing the authorization of Taiwan's public opinion, and the same as the DPP's self -determination.

Furthermore, the Cross -Strait discussions and routes of the Kuomintang are diversified, challenging the DPP authorities to maintain the status quo's proposition.For example, Lin Weizhou, the convener of the party group, put forward the demands of the two countries, and believed that the current 1992 consensus, each of the one -China table has been stigmatized into one country, two systems; the first China is stigma into one country.He advocated that he should return to the description of reality. One of the two layers of significance is the middle of the Chinese nation's and the Constitution. Now it is two countries, that is, one is the Republic of China and the other is the People's Republic of China.Under the framework, the development of transactional negotiations, pragmatically solve the problems including cross -strait epidemic prevention and cracking down on criminals.

However, the concept of the first China and the two countries may be questioned as the two countries. However, because it refers to the Constitution of the Constitution, there is a concept of cross -strait unification.Do not recognize the framework of power.The two countries clearly pointed out that the two sides of the strait belong to a Chinese nation, and jointly constructing the future Chinese political imagination community, surpassing the current status and the fuzzy cross -strait positioning of the 92 consensus, and the various tables of the first middle school.

In the end, the Kuomintang's cross -strait route strategy began to move into an attack, and the DPP may propose a legal Taiwan independence.Prior to the vote of the Korean case, Cai Yiyu and others of the DPP party legislators proposed some draft amendments to the Cross -Strait People's Relations Regulations, and amended the country before the unification of Article 1 to respond to the development of the country.

The Kuomintang Legislative Council ’s group took the initiative and proposed a proposal for the Democratic Progressive Party members to delete the word rsquo; rsquo; the words of the national unity in the regulations of the cross -strait regulations.After the Korean case was passed, the anti -Chinese discussions and routes of the DPP authorities were more clear and strong; the Kuomintang and its role played the role of traditional brakes.

However, this does not mean that the Kuomintang will be unified from traditional parties and shift to promoting legal Taiwan independence.This kind of proposal is adopted in the voting of the bill, which seems to be a strategy of counting. In fact, it is trying to highlight the DPP authorities to play counterfeit balls and manipulate cross -strait relations to create wars' risks.

The Kuomintang strategy is that the DPP may propose a legal Taiwan independence. Judging from the final withdrawal of the DPP legislators, this strategy not only allows the Democratic Progressive Party to make a cliff, but also use the brake to withdraw the case as soon as possible to avoid the safety of Taiwan.The danger of immediately, which also proves that the operational anti -China strategy has its safety risk and limitations.

(The author is an assistant professor at the Department of Public Affairs of Taiwan Foguang University)